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Information Structure in Discourse:
Towards an Integrated Formal Theory of Pragmatics1
Craige Roberts, The Ohio State University
For many linguists interested in pragmatics, including the Prague School theorists,
Halliday (1967), and Vallduví (1992,1993), inf ormation structure is a sentence-level
structure. It is generally characterized as a variation of sentential structure along certain
parameters to modulate the presentation of the information imparted by the sentence in
such a way as to relate that information to prior context. The factors in that relationship
are characterized in terms of primitive functional roles such as theme/rheme,
focus/(back)ground, topic/link, old/new, etc. These primitives and the correlated
information structure of sentences are used to explain the roles of intonational focus and
of particular syntactic focus constructions, of topicalization and other displacement
transformations, and of a fairly wide range of other phenomena, including, e.g., word
order in relatively free word order languages such as German, the functions of
distinguished structural positions in Catalan or Hungarian, definiteness in Slavic
languages, specificity in Turkish, use of specific affixes such as Japanese -wa, etc.
Most researchers who work on focus, topic, etc., talk about their relationship to felicity,
and hence to the context of utterance. But few look beyond the sentence to examine in
any detail the range of kinds of contexts in which an utterance with a given focus is
actually felicitous.2 Kadmon & Roberts (1986) argued that this methodology was crucial
to understanding the role of focus in interpretation. They claimed that at its most
abstract, this role is that of constraining (via conventional presuppositions) what they
called the inf ormation structure of contexts in which the utterance would be felicitous.
This perspective on informatio
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